NATIONAL SERVICE AND ITS RELATION TOWARD SENCE OF SECURITY AMONGST THE YOUTHS
HOW MUCH HAS MALAYSIA’S
NATIONAL SERVICE TRAINING PROGRAMME CREATED THE SENSE OF SECURITY AND DEFENCE
AMONGST THE YOUTHS? DISCUSS
INTRODUCTION
The National Service Training Programme (NS), was initiated with the
vision to generate a visionary and discipline “Malaysian Race” (or Bangsa
Malaysia in Malay) for the continuous maintenance of the country’s stability
and well beings of the people (JLKN 2008). In order to maintain the stability
and sovereignty of Malaysia, it requires the commitment of all levels of the
people. With that in mind, the citizens of the country, especially the youths
has to be continuously exposed to the awareness on nation-buildings in the hope
to create a sense of security and defence amongst them. To achieve that aim,
the NS was designed in such a way to instil into the youths to love the nation
and to have a strong sense of patriotism with the objective of obtaining national
integration and living in harmony in a multi ethnic, cultural, and racial
Malaysia (JLKN 2008).
The NS has been running since its
inception in 2003 and the first intake was in 2004. It has successfully conducted
the training for the past six years and since then, has trained more than 500,000
youths (The Star 2010). This essay will discuss the NS training programme to
churn out the youths equipped with a sense of awareness to the nation’s
security and defence matters.
The aim of this essay is to discuss how much has Malaysia’s National
Service Training Programme created the sense of security and defence amongst
the youths. The scope of this essay will be limited to the National Service
Training Programme. The paper will discuss the NS on the youths in creating a
sense of awareness of the nation’s security and defence.
DEFINITION
The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations defines “security”
as a term which denoted the absence of threats to scarce values and “defence”
as a means of protecting scarce values from attack (Evans & Newnham 1998). For
the purpose of this essay, defence is taken to mean the protection of the
nation’s scarce values and resources. A strong defence will secured the
nation’s security, i.e. the absence of threats to scarce values. Therefore,
defence and security go hand in hand, for one could achieve security through a
strong defence.
BACKGROUND
Malaysia has experienced the worst security breakdown in the form of
racial riots in its history in 1969 or what is commonly refer to as May 13 riots
and since then the political landscape of the country has changed (Kua 2007). May
13 shows that the security of a multi-ethnic society like Malaysia is very
precarious and it just need a little spark to ignite the fire of violence
riots. The government is ever sensitive to the needs of governing a
multi-ethnic, religious and cultural society, and this has led to the introduction
of New Economic Policy (NEP) to restructure the social and economic imbalance
of different races in Malaysia (Mahathir Mohamad 1998).
Since the May 13 racial riots, there were
some minor disturbances with racial and religious overtones occurred in various
parts of Malaysia. To name a few, the riots in Penang’s Kg Rawa’s over the Hindu
temple bell issue in 1998 , the 2001 racial fight between the Indians and
Malays in Kg Medan that caused six (6) deaths. Then in 2007, the Indian’s HINDRAF protest fighting for
their political rights and the 2009 Shah Alam highly charge protest by the
Malays on the proposal by the state government to relocate Sri Mahamariamman temple. A
small section of the Malay protesters held street protests by parading and
stomping upon a severed cow’s head during one of the demonstration (The Malay
Mail 2009). All these racial and religious incidences could posed security risks and affect the nation’s
stability (Nik Abd Aziz 2010).
However, since the May 13 racial riots and
the other “less” significant riots, Malaysia has generally enjoyed political
stability, racial harmony and had made strident gains in economy. However, in
the multi-ethnic, religious and cultural society like Malaysia, there were
bound to have disagreements with racial overtone from time to time that may
pose security threat to the country (Nik Abd Aziz 2010). Therefore, taking
cognitive of this ever present “race based threat” to the country’s security, the
Malaysian government has introduce the NS with the main objective to instil the
spirit of patriotism and to promote security and defence awareness amongst the youths.
The NS came into existence through the Cabinet decision in 2002 and the
National Service Act 2003 to conduct courses for the youths.
DISCUSSION
The Course Duration
The NS trainees were divided into three batches per year and the
training lasted for duration of three months per batch (JLKN 2008). The
programme is not modelled after any foreign programme but with Malaysian own
flavour. It is not military conscript in nature (Norkhanizan 2005).
The research by the Malaysia National
University or UKM has found that the spirit of patriotism of the trainees has
increased to more than 80 % after the NS course (The Star 2010). It shows that
the 3 months course has managed to produce patriotic youths but whether it has
succeeded in creating a sense of security and defence is subjective. If
patriotism is equate to mean heighten sense of awareness to security and
defence matters, then the NS could be deemed successful. On the other hand, the
short course could be likening to a summer camp, to have a break from the
routine life style or to be more generous, as a character building camp. After
all, the NS course is not based on the military conscript structure but merely
a multi-discipline curriculum course. It did not produce “ready” military
reservists.
Numbers of Youths
Participants
When the first programme was launched in 2004, it was estimated
there were 450,000 youths born in 1986 and age 18 years old. However, due to
the inadequate infrastructure and facilities throughout the country, the NS
could only accommodate 84,000 youths (JLKN 2008). Since then, the NS has
churned out more than 500,000 trainees (The Star 2010). However, this number accounted
for only 20 % of the total youth population. There is no doubt that the NS has exposed
a small section of the youths on nation-building issues relating to security
and defence. What happen to the 80 % of the youths that has been left out?
The Minister of
Defence says that these trained trainees also serve as a good influence to
their peers, implying the multiplying effects of the training extending to a
wider populace (The Star 2010). However, what percentage of the youths
population were influenced was not given. Neither was there any evidence of
increase in the discussion on security and defence matters in the open forum.
To be more effective to create a sense of security and defence amongst the
youths, the NS programme should be made compulsory to all.
Trainee and Trainer Racial
Composition
In line with the multi racial population make up of the country, the
NS involves all races, males and females. This concept has made the NS more
palatable to all section of the society. The acceptance of the training was
reflected in the figures obtained for the volunteer readmission for the 5/2008
intake, where the number of application is as shown in Table 1. The table shows
that the highest number of volunteer applicants for the programme came from the
non- Malays.
Table 1: Volunteer readmission for intake 5/2008
|
Race
|
Batch
1
|
Batch
2
|
Batch
3
|
|
Malay
|
416
|
512
|
107
|
|
Chinese
|
944
|
1360
|
458
|
|
Indian
|
71
|
223
|
22
|
|
Others
|
7
|
14
|
6
|
|
Total
|
1438
|
2109
|
593
|
Source: Jabatan Latihan Khidmat Negara Annual Report 2008
The right ratio of participants from the
various racial backgrounds would enhance national integrity and unity. This
will lead to a more harmonious society and hence improve the security and
defence of the nation. This could also be a breeding ground to generate more non-Malays
youths to join the civil service and the armed forces to counter the present racial
imbalance in the government services and security agencies. This will eventually
make the government civil service a reflection of the true racial composition
of Malaysia.
On the other hand,
the training could further segregate and increase polarity amongst the youth if
the programme is not well handled.
Currently the
Department of National Service has filled up 1,115 of the posts out of the
1,915 approved positions (JLKN 2008). However, there was no racial breakdown
given in the report. Nonetheless, it could be assumed that the majority of the
trainers were Malay. If this is correct, then the effectiveness of achieving
the racial unity may not be realised. The non-Malays will look at it just like
“normal”, a pro Malay programme filled with Malays to indoctrinate the
non-Malays. The programme will surely be doomed to failure and will never able
to create the sense of security and defence as desired. The non-Malays are
bound to ask, “Security and defence for who?”
The NS Funding
The Malaysian government was serious to see the result of the
programme and has invested heavily in this programme in the hope of churning
out the youth to be self confidence, have the esprit de corp and promote unity in diversity, free spirit in the
form of volunteerism and adventurism, and finally to develop and reinforce the
spirit of love to the nation and patriotism (Norkhanizan 2005).
In this respect, in 2007 alone, the
government has allocated an operating budget of RM 676,154,464 million, and RM
678,948,712 million in 2008 (JLKN 2008). The Star (2010) reports that up to
now, the total expenditure for the past six years for the NS was RM 6 billions,
which is equivalent to RM 1 billion per year! Has this colossal sum of money been
wisely spent just to churn out trainees with a sense of security and defence?
Let us break down the 2008 budget into the
sub-activities to see where the money has been spent. Out of the RM 678,944,712
allocated, RM 303,320,440 went to camps’ rentals, RM 42,733,056 went to
training aids and RM 273,277,144 went to professional services and hospitality
(JLKN 2008). It could be seen that about half of the budget went to camp
rentals and not much to the training. Therefore, instead of concentrating on training,
the money was spent on rentals and hospitality services! Is the money well
spent? It’s a question of opportunity cost. The answer is yes and no. Yes because
it will create new breed of youths with a greater sense of patriotism. No, NS has
deprived funds to the social economic development sectors.
The NS Training Modules
Since the vision of the NS was to generate a visionary and
discipline “Malaysian Race”. The modules of the training programme were
designed to achieve the stated objectives. The four main modules are: Physical
Module, Nation-Building Module, Character-Building Module, and Community
Service Module. These modules were designed to build the trainees into self
confidence, competence, and physically and mental resilient citizens. The
physical training was so designed to enhance the spirit of unity among the
trainees. It also exposes the trainees on the subject of nation-building, which
touches on the subjects of the nation, peoples, government, sovereignty and
security challenges from within and without, in the hope that it will instilled
to the trainees to love the nation and create a sense of security and defence
(JLKN 2008).
Judging by the UKM research and the study by the NS
Department, it was found that the spirit of patriotism of the trainees has
increased. The UKM research found more than 80 % was more patriotic after the
NS course (The Star 2010). Whereas the NS Department study found that 83 % of
the trainees were more patriotic and was aware of the importance of national
integration (JLKN 2008). Both the findings corroborated with each other that
showed the NS trainees were more patriotic after attended the course.
Nik Abd Aziz (2010)
in his lecture shows the declining incidences with racial overtone and
attributes this to the NS. The NS had created a sense of security and defence
amongst the general youths, and now have a greater sense to preserve the peace
and stability of the country. Thus, resulting in youths becomes more tolerance
to each other. The number of the incidences with racial overtone is given in Table
2.
Table 2: The number of incidences with racial overtone from 2007 to
2009
|
Year
|
Incidence
|
|
2007
|
1,317
|
|
2008
|
1,237
|
|
2009
|
1104
|
Source: ACP Nik Abd Aziz bin Nik Abd Razak, HQ RMP, Bukit Aman
Politicians Sense of Security
and Defence
Malaysian security concept of Total Defence requires the commitment
of all strata of society. Even though the defence of the nation is the duty of
the armed forces, the society at large had their respective roles to play
(Norkhanizan 2005). The armed forces alone cannot win war. With that in mind,
the armed forces needed to be well equipped to face the challenges. In this
aspect, it will be of advantages if the elected Members of Parliament are well
verse in the matter of security and defence when debating on security issues.
This will enable them to make better judgement on the security strategy and sound
choice of equipment to be purchased.
Unfortunately, scanning through the
Malaysian Parliament official website, it was found that not a single Member of
Parliament (MP) has any military background. Of the two hundred and twenty two
(222) MPs, there was not a single MP with the honorific title of (Retired)
Captain or General or whatever rank associated with the military. However,
there was plenty of Haji, a few Ir. (Professional Engineer) and Dr. (doctor)
and some members of the royal households (Malaysia Parliament website)!
The quality of debates and the overall
performance of the Malaysian MPs have left much room to be improved. This had prompted
Abdul Razak (2003) to comment that the MPs performance need to be monitors. It
is hope that in the near future, the NS will be able to bridge this glaring
limitation in our politicians’ sense of security and defence matters.
In comparison with the
Singapore’s parliament, all male MPs went through the Singapore National
Service (SNS). The SNS is a full time 2 years compulsory conscript programme
and the graduates are all automatically put in the Reserve Force, ever ready
for the call up. The current Prime Minister is a retired Brigadier General and four
members of his cabinet were former high ranking servicemen (Dexter Teo 2010). It
could be deduced that what Singapore is today as a strong nation with powerful
armed forces could be attributed to their knowledgeable law makers with
security and defence background.
NS Sense of Security and
Defence and Voters’ Inclination
One of the motivations in
introducing the NS in 2003 was as the result of the 10th General
Election in 1999, where the opposition parties, especially the Islamic based
party, PAS[1],
managed to win a sizeable number of Parliament seats. The Malay support for UMNO[2]
was not assured and BN[3]’s
success was due to non-Malay votes (Zakaria 2000).
Therefore, the setting up of NS could be to counter the PAS challenge by
creating a sense of security and defence amongst the multi racial youths and at
the same time to inculcate into non-Malay youths a sense of belonging. Whether
NS will succeed in this endeavour is questionable.
CONCLUSION
The fact that the NS is not military conscript in nature but a short
course with duration of three months is not adequate to fully realise the objective
to create a sense of security and defence. Suffice to say that it may have
imparted to the trainees the awareness on security and defence matters. However,
it did not equip the trainees to be called up in the Reserve force. To some,
the NS is just like summer camps.
Not all of the nation’s youths were
trained due the limitation on the resources. Every year, approximately 20 % of
the youths were selected to attend the course. What happen to the 80 %, the majority
of the youths? Will they be less patriotic and be less incline to the issue of
security and defence? The evidence available shows that there is no stark
difference in the sense of security and defence between the trained and
untrained youths.
The NS policy of taking in multi racial
trainees bode well for the Malaysia. This will undoubtedly produce a sense of
unity amongst the youths and helps to promote national integration. It contributed
to the sense of belonging and may encourage the participants to serve in the
civil service and the related security and defence agencies. On the other hand,
if the programme was not well run, it may further increase the race segregation
amongst the various races. The composition of the trainers was not ascertained
but it should also reflect the national demography.
The funding for NS is on average RM 1
billion per year. This amount is huge. Could the government justify the amount
spent just to create a sense of patriotism amongst the youths? The answer is
definitely a big no. The opportunity cost for the fund to be spent on other
social projects that benefit the wider populations is lost.
The UKM research and the annual JLKN
reports showed that a very high percentage of the trainees were found to be
more patriotic and awareness of the importance of Integration. In this respect
the NS training modules is more than sufficient. However, it does not show that
being more patriotic will translate into creating a sense of security and
defence amongst the youths. One can hope but it is not a done thing. What is
more important on the findings was that the trainees have a greater
understanding of the importance of integration. That bodes well for a
multi-ethnic, religious and cultural society like Malaysia. This could be seen
from the declining numbers of racial riots incidences through 2007 to 2009.
The NS is only six years old and too early
to have any major impact in the political arenas, either in the voters’
sentiment towards the ruling parties or in the realm of policy makers. It is hope
that these NS graduates will participate in politics and go on be elected as MPs,
only then the nation’s security and defence issue could be debated in depth and
would strengthen the country defence agencies. Compare to Singapore, our
politicians has a long way to catch up.
Abdul
Razak Baginda. 2003. Malaysia in
transition: Politics and Society. London: ASEAN ACADEMIC PRESS.
Dexter Teo. 2010. Interview
at MAFDC. Kuala Lumpur.
Evans,G. & Newnham,J. 1998. The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations. London: The
Penguin Group.
JLKN, Jabatan Latihan Khidmat Negara. 2008. Laporan Tahunan.
Kua,
K.S. 2007. May 13 Declassified documents
on the Malaysian riots of 1969. Petaling Jaya: SUARAM Komunikasi.
Mahathir Mohamad. 1998. The way forward. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
Nik Abd Aziz Nik Abd Razak. 2010. Threats and challenges to internal security:
Internal sources and factors. Lecture in MAFDC on 14 Jul 2010.
Norkhanizan Manaf (ed). 2005. Malaysia Official Year
Book 2005. Kuala Lumpur: Director General Department of Information Malaysia.
The Malay Mail. 2009. Cow head controversy: A puzzle. (online)
The Star. 2010. Zahid: NS grads more patriotic. Kuala
Lumpur: The Star Publication.
Zakaria Haji Ahmad. 2000. The 1999 general elections: a preliminary
overview. In Trends in Malaysia: Election
Assessment. Singapore: Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies. (online) http://www.iseas.edu.sg/trends120.pdf
(19 Jul 2010).
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